By Ulrike Müßig
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Legal experiences and for that reason criminal historical past specialize in constitutional files, believing in a nominalist autonomy of constitutional semantics. Reconsidering Constitutional Formation within the overdue 18th and 19th century, saved ancient constitutions from being easily log-books for political specialists via a practical method of the interdependencies among structure and public discourse. Sovereignty needed to be ‘believed’ via the themes and the political élites. one of these communicative orientation of constitutional approaches grew to become palpable within the ‘religious’ affinities of the constitutional preambles. They have been held as ‘creeds’ of a brand new order, not just because of their occasional recourse to divine authority, yet particularly as a result declare for everlasting validity contexts of constitutional promises.
The conversation dependency of constitutions was once of much less drawback by way of the preamble than the elements’ huge concerns approximately govt agency. Their indecisiveness among monarchical and well known sovereignty was once demonstrated during the discrediting of the Republic within the Jacobean reign of terror and the ‘renaissance’ of the monarchy within the army resistance opposed to the French progressive and later Napoleonic campaigns. The constitutional formation as a felony act of constituting might consequently safeguard the monarchy from the specter of the folk (Albertine Statute 1848), can be a criminal choice of a countrywide constituent meeting (Belgian structure 1831), may perhaps borrow from the outdated liberties (Polish could structure 1791) or attempt to stay in among via touching on the state as sovereign (French September structure 1791, Cádiz structure 1812).
Common to all contexts is using nationwide sovereignty as a felony start line. the ensuing differentiation among constituent and constituted energy manages to justify the self-commitment of political strength in criminal phrases. nationwide sovereignty is the synonym for the juridification of sovereignty by way of the structure. the newness of the constitutions of the overdue 18th and 19th century is the normativity, the positivity of the constitutional legislation as one unified legislation, to be the degree for the legality of all different legislation. consequently ReConFort will proceed with the priority of structure. (www.reconfort.eu)
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281. 148 Art. 2 at the end, cited in Willoweit/Seif (=Müßig), ibid. (n. 32), p. 283. 149 In the introduction and Art. 2 of the May constitution, the meaning of nation is equivalent to nobility. 150 Art. 7, cited in Willoweit/Seif (=Müßig), ibid. (n. 32), p. 287. 151 «La nation polonaise avait aussi ses légitimités; on les a discutées, on les a sacrifiées avec les légitimités de tant d’autres peuples, pour statisfaire à l’avidité d’honorables brigands, déprédateurs couronnés. La dipolmatie envahissante en 1807 et en 1808, et spoliatrice en 1815, sanctionnant les partages anciens avec de nouveaus morcellemens, et évitant de donner une sincère satisfaction à la légitimité de la nation polonaise, renouvelait, par ce fait même, les violences qu’elle lui avait déjà fait subir, et donnait ainsi une preuve de l’existence de sa légitimité.
The nation, which was constituted by the declaration of the Third Estate as the National Assembly developed as a new political subject and embodied the (revolutionary) claim to representing everything of a part (of the Third Estate) for the entirety. This exclusionary consequence for the privileged estates was criticised by the speaker of the moderate monarchists in the constituante Pierre-Victor Malouet93: ‘But they [the clergy and the nobility] are part of the Nation […] and 1789) Munich 1969; Hafen, Thomas, Staat, Gesellschaft und Bürger im Denken von Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès (State, society and citizens in the thinking of Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès), Bern 1994; Pasquino, Pasquale, Sieyès et l’ínvention de la constitution en France, Paris 1998.
37). 114 Boutmy, Émile, Études de droit constitutionnel: France, Angleterre, États-Unis, Paris 1885 (3rd éd. 1909), p. 241: “une décision qui crée le droit positif, et renvoie à une conception de la constitution”. » Sieyès, Qu’est-ce que le Tiers État? Edition critique avec une introduction et des notes par Roberto Zapperi, Genève 1970, p. 180–181. 116 “J’y vois que le pouvoir constitué et le pouvoir constituant ne peuvent point se confondre. Et qu’ainsi le corps des représentants ordinaires du peuple, c’est-à-dire ceux qui sont chargés de la législation ordinaire, ne peuvent sans contradiction et sans absurdité toucher à la constitution.