By Eugeniusz Cyran
This e-book is an try and exhibit that the fundamental ideas of phonological association boil all the way down to the interplay among the energy of nuclei as licensers of phonological constitution and numerous non-rerankable scales of complexity taking place at varied degrees of phonological illustration. The licensing relation among nuclei and the previous onsets at the one hand, and governing kin between consonants, that are to a superb quantity decided via their inner melodic constitution, let us view the phonological illustration as a self-organizing process, which can pr. Read more...
content material: Preface --
1. substantial complexity --
2. Formal complexity --
three. The phonological constitution of phrases --
topic index --
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Additional info for Complexity scales and licensing in phonology
For this reason, there is only one series of stops, that is the voiceless unaspirated one. Malakmalak also appears to be ‘noiseless’. The absence of (h) excludes affricates and fully-fledged fricatives. Potentially, such a system could have voiced fricatives if its resonance elements could be headed. Since there are only glides and liquids, we may suspect that this language does not utilize headedness either. Recall, that fricatives have three representational sources: a) the noise element (h), b) headedness of resonance elements, and c) high tone, as in the case of Irish [x].
Banda ["baund´] ‘band’. (21) a. /kI r´ p´ ax/ A U h / H b. /bau n d ´/ A=A N h / c. /g´e r´ b´ ´/ A U h / The representations in (21) show that complexity, coupled with additional conditions such as the one on homorganicity, can account for Irish phonotactics. 52 Harris (1990), in his first discussion of element complexity and syllable contacts claims that sometimes the accepted coda-onset clusters may have even equal complexity. Why is an obstruent which is more complex from the preceding sonorant by two elements not a good contact?
44 Specifically, lexical clusters always agree in terms of palatalization or velarization. g. those described in Borgstrøm (1937). ’ it is palatalized. The same condition holds for the assumed epenthetic sequences, for example, fearg ["f´ar´g] ‘anger’ vs. ’, but not those sequences in which the intervening schwa is unambiguously lexical rather than epenthetic, for example, capall [kAp´l] ‘horse’ vs. ’, and not *[kAp´´l´]. On this basis, we may claim that the epenthesized sequences of consonants are lexically adjacent.