By George M. Fredrickson
While George M. Fredrickson released White Supremacy: A Comparative examine in American and South African background, he met common acclaim. David Brion Davis, writing within the manhattan occasions publication evaluate, known as it "one of the main remarkable and profitable experiences in comparative historical past everwritten." The publication used to be commemorated with the Ralph Waldo Emerson Prize, the Merle Curti Award, and a jury nomination for the Pulitzer Prize. Now comes the sequel to that acclaimed paintings. In Black Liberation, George Fredrickson deals a desirable account of the way blacks within the usa and South Africa got here to grips with the problem of white supremacy. He unearths a wealthy history--not purely of parallel advancements, yet of an complex, transatlantic net of affects and cross-fertilization...
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Extra resources for Black Liberation: A Comparative History of Black Ideologies in the United States and South Africa
The problem with independency was that neither party was prepared to make significant concessions to a black electorate that was diminishing and ceasing to be a factor in southern contests. Continuing support of the Republicans, despite the high level of frustration that this entailed, was based on the assumption that they at least had an incentive to resist the march toward disfranchisement that was insuring Democratic control of southern elections. When the Republicans gained control of both houses of Congress in 1888, they came close to fulfilling their longstanding pledge to pass a law providing for federal supervision of southern elections to prevent the intimidation of black voters.
This nationalistic integrationism was normally sustained by the belief that racial prejudice was not innate or natural. "CONDITION and not color, is the chief cause of the prejudice under which we suffer" was one striking formulation of a doctrine accepted by most black abolitionists The Suffrage and the Origins of Protest 27 and antebellum proto-nationalists. One implication of this idea was that the abolition of slavery would go a long way toward eliminating racism; another was that self-improvement among free blacks would overcome much of the feeling against them.
Despite his reputation as an accommodationist, Washington protested openly on a number of occasions against the tendency of the disfranchising constitutional conventions to provide loopholes enabling poor and illiterate whites to meet the new voting qualifications. Like most nineteenth-century liberals, but unlike radical democrats such as Frederick Douglass, he believed that the ballot was a privilege to be reserved for the certifiably competent and intelligent members of the community. For blacks and whites alike, it should serve as a reward and incentive for the attainment of certain minimum standards of The Suffrage and the Origins of Protest 35 civilization and social efficiency.