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By Thomas Keneally

The moment quantity of bestselling writer Thomas Keneally's exact trilogy of Australian historical past in which people are consistently middle stage In the continuation of an impeccably researched, engagingly written people's historical past, this can be the tale of Australia via humans from all walks of lifestyles, from Eureka to Gallipoli. From the 1860s to the nice rifts wrought through global conflict I, an period started out during which Australian pursued glimmering visions: of fairness in a promised land. Immigrants and Aboriginal resistance figures, bushrangers and pastoralists, operating males and pioneering girls, artists and hard-nosed radicals, politicians and squaddies all populate this richly drawn portrait of a colourful land at the cusp of nationhood and social adulthood. this can be actually a brand new background of Australia, by means of an writer of exceptional literary ability and event, and whose personal humanity permeates each web page.

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The problem with independency was that neither party was prepared to make significant concessions to a black electorate that was diminishing and ceasing to be a factor in southern contests. Continuing support of the Republicans, despite the high level of frustration that this entailed, was based on the assumption that they at least had an incentive to resist the march toward disfranchisement that was insuring Democratic control of southern elections. When the Republicans gained control of both houses of Congress in 1888, they came close to fulfilling their longstanding pledge to pass a law providing for federal supervision of southern elections to prevent the intimidation of black voters.

This nationalistic integrationism was normally sustained by the belief that racial prejudice was not innate or natural. "CONDITION and not color, is the chief cause of the prejudice under which we suffer" was one striking formulation of a doctrine accepted by most black abolitionists The Suffrage and the Origins of Protest 27 and antebellum proto-nationalists. One implication of this idea was that the abolition of slavery would go a long way toward eliminating racism; another was that self-improvement among free blacks would overcome much of the feeling against them.

Despite his reputation as an accommodationist, Washington protested openly on a number of occasions against the tendency of the disfranchising constitutional conventions to provide loopholes enabling poor and illiterate whites to meet the new voting qualifications. Like most nineteenth-century liberals, but unlike radical democrats such as Frederick Douglass, he believed that the ballot was a privilege to be reserved for the certifiably competent and intelligent members of the community. For blacks and whites alike, it should serve as a reward and incentive for the attainment of certain minimum standards of The Suffrage and the Origins of Protest 35 civilization and social efficiency.

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